Bush Letter to Sharon Recognizes "Facts on the Ground"
Settlement Report | Vol. 14 No. 3 | May-June 2004- Israel's Policy of "Creating Facts" Wins over the Bush Administration
- To Our Readers
- Settlements in the Evacuation Mix
- Bush Letter to Sharon Recognizes "Facts on the Ground"
- The Disengagement Plan
- Settlement Timeline
- Letter from Prime Minister Sharon to President Bush
- The Weissglass Letter
- Back Panel Quote
April 14, 2004
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
Thank you for your letter setting out your disengagement plan.
The United States remains hopeful and determined to find a way forward
toward a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. I remain
committed to my June 24, 2002 vision of two states living side by side
in peace and security as the key to peace, and to the roadmap as the
route to get there.
We welcome the disengagement plan you have prepared, under which Israel
would withdraw certain military installations and all settlements from
Gaza, and withdraw certain military installations and settlements in
the West Bank. These steps described in t
he plan will mark real progress toward realizing my June 24, 2002
vision, and make a real contribution towards peace. We also understand
that, in this context, Israel believes it is important to bring new
opportunities to the Negev and the Galilee. We are hopeful that steps
pursuant to this plan, consistent with my vision, will remind all
states and parties of their own obligations under the roadmap.
The United States appreciates the risks such an undertaking represents.
I therefore want to reassure you on several points. First, the United
States remains committed to my vision and to its implementation as
described in the roadmap. The United States will do its utmost to
prevent any attempt by anyone to impose any other plan. Under the
roadmap, Palestinians must undertake an immediate cessation of armed
activity and all acts of violence against Israelis anywhere, and all
official Palestinian institu
tions must end incitement against Israel. The Palestinian leadership
must act decisively against terror, including sustained, targeted, and
effective operations to stop terrorism and dismantle terrorist
capabilities and infrastructure. Palestinians must undertake a
comprehensive and fundamental political reform that includes a strong
parliamentary democracy and an empowered prime minister.
Second, there will be no security for Israelis or Palestinians until
they and all states, in the region and beyond, join together to fight
terrorism and dismantle terrorist organizations. . . . The United
States reiterates its steadfast commitment to Israel's security,
including secure, defensible borders, and to preserve and strengthen
Israel's capability to deter and defend itself, by itself, against any
threat or possible combination of threats.
Third, Israel will retain its right to defend itself against terrorism,
including to take actions against terrorist organizations. . . . The
United States understands that after Israel withdraws from Gaza and/or
parts of the West Bank, and pending agreements on other arrangements,
existing arrangements regarding control of airspace, territorial
waters, and land passages of the West Bank and Gaza will continue. The
United States is strongly committed to Israel's security and well-being
as a Jewish state. It seems clear that an agreed, just, fair, and
realistic framework for a solution to the Palestinian refugee issue as
part of any final status agreement will need to be found through the
establishment of a Palestinian state, and the settling of Palestinian
refugees there, rather than in Israel.
As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and
recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the
parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. In light of
new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli
populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of
final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the
armistice lines of 1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a
two-state solution have reached the same conclusion. It is realistic to
expect that any final status agreement will only be achieved on the
basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.
I know that, as you state in your letter, you are aware that certain
responsibilities face the State of Israel. Among these, your government
has stated that the barrier being erected by Israel should be a
security rather than political barrier, should be temporary rather than
permanent, and therefore not prejudice any final status issues
including final borders, and its route should take into account,
consistent with security needs, its impact on Palestinians not engaged
in terrorist activities. As you know, the United States supports the
establishment of a Palestinian state that is viable, contiguous,
sovereign, and independent, so that the Palestinian people can build
their own future in accordance with my vision set forth in June 2002
and with the path set forth in the roadmap. . . .
A peace settlement negotiated between Israelis and Palestinians would
be a great boon not only to those peoples but to the peoples of the
entire region. Accordingly, the United States believes that all states
in the region have special responsibilities: to support the building of
the institutions of a Palestinian state; to fight terrorism, and cut
off all forms of assistance to individuals and groups engaged in
terrorism; and to begin now to move toward more normal relations with
the State of Israel. These actions would be true contributions to
building peace in the region.
Mr. Prime Minister, you have described a bold and historic initiative
that can make an important contribution to peace. I commend your
efforts and your courageous decision which I support. As a close friend
and ally, the United States intends to work closely with you to help
make it a success.
Sincerely,
George W. Bush
