Quotes from Hamas Leaders on Hamas, Israel, and Palestinian Politics

January 19, 2006

Aiza Hussain, Foundation for Middle East Peace

Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic party known for its rejection of Israel, support for armed struggle and involvement in terrorism, has agreed to participate in the January 25, 2006 elections for the next Palestinian Legislative Council. Hamas is expected to win a significant number of seats in its first venture into Palestinian national elections.
 
Because of Hamas’ radical tradition, Israel, the United States, and the Palestinian Authority led by President Mahmoud Abbas are concerned about the impact of Hamas on the next Palestinian government and the prospects for peace between Israel and Palestine.

Through changes in leadership, ideology and tactics, Hamas is in the process of transformation.  Over the past year, it has taken several significant steps including: an agreement to abide by the Cairo cease-fire agreement negotiated with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas on March 17, 2005 and Hamas’ first major negotiations with the PLO, which Hamas had bitterly opposed for its acceptance of the Oslo Accords and peace negotiations with Israel.

Hamas has made strong showings in municipal elections, especially in Gaza. In December 2004 West Bank local elections, Fatah won 135 seats and Hamas won 75. In Gaza, where Hamas is strongest, it won 77 out of 118 seats in 10 council elections held in January 2005. Hamas appeared to lose momentum in the September 2005 local elections in the West Bank: Fatah, benefiting from the Israeli withdrawal, took 54 percent of the vote over Hamas’ 26 percent. But recent polls show Hamas winning at least a significant minority of votes in the January parliamentary elections. Much of Hamas’ popularity is based in its anti-corruption appeal, whereas Fatah has been tainted by corruption. Hamas is also respected for its efficient delivery of charitable and social services.
 
On the eve of the Palestinian elections, Hamas’ policies and ideology are shifting, but still ambiguous. The following quotations from Hamas figures to the media reflect political evolution and debate within Hamas and offer some insight into its positions on particular issues. Excerpts from the 1987 Hamas Charter and a footnote on Hamas’ history and leaders are also included.

Participation in Palestinian Governance

“We do not want to replace Fatah," said Mahmud al-Zahar, Hamas’ deputy leader who lives in Gaza.  He added that even if Hamas won overwhelming support- which polls say is unlikely - all Palestinian factions would be invited to join a coalition government. "It will not be Hamas alone.  Our project is not to replace Fatah with Hamas.  Our project is to change the corrupted system, the corrupted regime, to purify the regime.”  (Mahmud al-Zahar, Interview with The New York Times, 12 January 2006)

“I don't trust the term ‘moderate.’ We are already moderate. But if people believe we will be moderate in the Western style, or a pro-Israeli style—that's not moderate. That's corruption.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, 5 September 2005)

“Our goal is to reform and reconstruct buildings, to replant trees, to flourish our people economically, to keep the mood of the Palestinian people anti-occupation, to move towards a new strategy: co-operation with the Arabs, not co-operation with the Israelis.”  (Mahmud al-Zahar, Interview with The UK Times, 14 April 2005)

“We do not view participation in the Palestinian Legislative Council as an aim in itself, but we view it as a way of fighting corruption and improving the situation of our nation as we viewed resistance as means of liberation.” (Sheikh Said Seyam, a prominent Hamas leader and a PLC candidate on the Change and Reform bloc of Hamas)

"Hamas doesn't wish to displace or replace any faction, Hamas rather wants to realize the political partnership rather than monopoly by a faction per se. Hamas as it was an active partner in resistance and sacrifices, also wants to be a partner in the political decision-making process" (Sheikh Anwar Mousa, campaign manager of the Change and Reform bloc of Hamas)

Palestinian Resistance, Weapons

“Resistance is not about guns alone," and he cited the building of self-reliant industry and education as other forms of resisting Israeli control and making the Palestinians strong.” (Mahmud al-Zahar in an interview with The New York Times, 12 January 2006)

“What reason do they have to ask us and the other organizations to disarm while the enemy is continuing to attack the Gaza Strip and is planning to occupy it? Didn't Sharon bombard Gaza with aircraft after the withdrawal? Didn't he put in position artillery and threaten to use it? If any of this happens, who will defend the Gaza Strip? Will it be the PA that is against any armed struggle and that has never done anything against Israeli attacks? Therefore disarming the organizations is not a possibility. If we are disarmed, how will we face Israel while it is trying to occupy the Gaza strip again?”  (Mahmud al-Zahar, October 2005)

“We must defend the resistance and the weapons of the resistance, because that is what liberated the land and will continue to liberate the land and defend the Palestinian people. Our weapons are not up for discussion. They are non-negotiable.” (Ismail Hania, August 2005)

“Observe the popular mood among Palestinians. If people do not want resistance, there will be no resistance.”  The Intifadah does not start or end “at the click of a button.” (Khaled Mashaal, (Hamas Chairman in Damascus) April 2005)

“Resistance and killing is not an objective in and of itself.  Human blood is sacred. But we only want our rights. We are forced to fight. Does any occupation end without pressure?  Without a balance of power, you can't make an honorable peace.” (Khaled Mashaal, April 2005)

“Yes, suicide operations in the Green Line anger international public opinion, but you must observe the Palestinian popular mood. We live under occupation and we don't have the traditional tools of warfare. At the same time, we repeatedly demanded that Israel does not target Palestinian civilians. We repeatedly made that call, but Israel never listened.”  (Khaled Mashaal, April 2005)

“Eventually what we are driving at is Israel's recognition of our existence and of our legitimacy as a resistance force and for Israel to start sending messages wanting a cease-fire on our part. Then we will be equal.”  (Sheikh Hassan Yousef, February 2005)


March 17, 2005 Cairo Cease-fire Agreement

“The truce formally ended with the end of the year according to Palestinian factions that had signed it.  The calmness has ended.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, January 2006)

“Hamas’ top electoral candidate in the Gaza Strip, Ismail Hania, reiterated that although the truce expired on December 31, the group would continue to act in the ‘national interest’ until after the Jan. 25 parliamentary elections.” (Ha’aretz, 4 January 2006)

“Hamas is not going to renew the truce because Israel did not abide by the conditions of the truce. Hamas will never abandon any Palestinian right and will not recognize the legitimacy of occupation whatsoever. This is a fundamental principle of the group.” (Khaled Mashaal, 9 December 2005)

“Hamas confirms that the calm is still on, as of this moment, and this is a national consensus…This is the official and final Hamas decision and position.” (Mushir al-Masri, spokesperson for Hamas in Gaza, 9 December 2005)

Israel’s Withdrawal from Gaza

“They escaped from Gaza.  This was not an Israeli gift." (Mahmud al-Zahar, Interview with The New York Times, 12 January 2006)

“[That our operations caused Israel to withdraw from Gaza] is the truth and the reality and we lived this reality during the last few weeks.  The withdrawal happened after years of political and diplomatic activity that achieved nothing. ...The resistance caused Israel heavy damages, including on Israeli soldiers and Israeli society. Therefore the resistance is the Palestinians main tool and option and will remain so. [Israeli Prime Minister Ariel] Sharon must realize what brought him to withdraw from Gaza and do the same thing in the West Bank.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, October 2005)

“We want to emphasis that the liberated land is the property of all the Palestinians, not just Ziad Abu Amr (equivalent to Mr X or Z).” (Ismail Hania, August 2005)

“We have become accustomed to gathering here to lay our martyrs to rest; to speak about the crimes of the occupier; but today, today we come to speak about our victory, about the withdrawal of our enemy as the first step to the liberation of the West Bank and Jerusalem, God willing.  Sharon cannot evade the truth: The Qassam [rockets] is what forced the enemy out. This is a victory for the resistance and for all of the Palestinian people.” (Ismail Hania, August 2005)

Peace Agreements/Acceptance of/Negotiations with Israel

Hamas still wants “Palestine from the river to the sea” -- and believes in retaking the land from Jordan to the Mediterranean, including Israel. But on the way to that '”strategic goal,” he said, the group might back negotiations with Israel “under certain circumstances” and would support an “interim solution.” (Yasser Mansour, a Hamas candidate from Nablus, The Boston Globe, 17 January 2006)

“We are a national liberation movement and the land of Palestine is not an endowment. Why does every Arab country have the right to want every inch of its land: Lebanon, Syria and also Egypt, who suffered from Israeli occupation? Why are the Palestinians always expected to be the most generous? Who has the right to deprive the son of Bir Sheeba or Jaffa of his right to his birthplace? No one has that right -- but we are pragmatic. The balance of power at the moment will not allow for the 1967 borders, or even half of that. The Israelis won't even commit to Oslo. But whoever said I am betting on the current balance of power anyway? For how long? Don't look at Palestine alone. Look, too, at Israel -- it's in conflict with itself.” (Khaled Mashaal, April 2005)

"We are concerned about finding another way in which no bloodshed will be spilled."  (Sheikh Hassan Yousef, February 2005).

“[Peace] initiatives, the so-called peaceful solutions, and the international conferences to resolve the Palestinian problem, are all contrary to the beliefs of the Islamic Resistance Movement. For renouncing any part of Palestine means renouncing part of the religion; the nationalism of the Islamic Resistance Movement is part of its faith… the Islamic Resistance Movement, which is aware of the [prospective] parties to this conference, and of their past and present positions towards the problems of the Muslims, does not believe that those conferences are capable of responding to demands, or of restoring rights or doing justice to the oppressed.” (Hamas Charter 1987, Article 13)

Services for the Palestinian People

“The policy is to maintain the armed struggle but it is not our first priority. We know that first of all we have to put more effort into resolving the internal problems, dealing with corruption, blackmail, chaos. This is our priority because if we change the situation for the Palestinians it will make our cause stronger.” (Ghazi Hamad, Hamas candidate in the Gaza Strip, 17 January 2006)
“We are not corrupt. We are serving the poorer classes. We are defending our land.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, 5 September 2005)

"Hamas responds to all questions related to the life of the citizens -- not only in case of confrontation but also in the political, economic, social, health, and internal-relations fields. This movement has proved that it is one organic unit. Mistaken is the one who thinks that the military wing acts outside the framework of Hamas or behaves recklessly." (Mahmud al-Zahar, June 2003)

"They are always giving us support and things," said Jadalla, who has 12 children and no job. "I like Hamas; they are our people." (Mohammad Jadalla, a Palestinian from al-Shate refugee camp, The St. Petersburg Times, 14 April 2002)

Organizations like Hamas and the Brotherhood succeed as opposition groups "by conquering the hearts of the people, by being of the people, by the people and for the people. They have exemplary leadership, no corruption." (Raphael Israeli, professor at Hebrew University and Israeli expert on Hamas, The St. Petersburg Times, 14 April 2002)

Purpose/Ideals of Hamas

“We read the situation in Israel, the region, and the world very well, and we are connected with reality and assess it.  On the basis of this reality check, we have room to maneuver, and we are able to show flexibility. You have to understand that Hamas is not an organization of political bureaucracy seeking to gain power. Our goal is serving the people, and that is what gives us strength. A government can be removed by force, just as Saddam Hussein’s government was removed in Iraq. You can’t get rid of us.” (Sheikh Hassan Yousef, April 2005)

“The Islamic Resistance Movement draws its guidelines from Islam; derives from it its thinking, interpretations and views about existence, life and humanity; refers back to it for its conduct; and is inspired by it in whatever step it takes.” (Hamas Charter 1988, Article I)

“The Islamic Resistance Movement is a distinct Palestinian Movement which owes its loyalty to Allah, derives from Islam its way of life and strives to raise the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine. Only under the shadow of Islam could the members of all regions coexist in safety and security for their lives, properties and rights. In the absence of Islam, conflict arises, oppression reigns, corruption is rampant and struggles and wars prevail.” (Hamas Charter 1988, Article 6)

Religion

“Well, we don't fight the Jews because they're Jews, but because they are occupiers. If the Arabs occupied us, we'll fight them too. Why is everybody so worried about our religiosity anyway? If an Arab official for example wore an Islamic looking turban, he would be sending wrong signals. But when Israeli and American officials don the Jewish kipot (skull cap), that's not a problem, nobody is worried about religiosity.” (Khaled Mashaal, April 2005)

“Allah is its goal, the Prophet its model, the Qur’an its Constitution, Jihad its path and death for the case of Allah its most sublime belief.” (The Slogan of Hamas, Hamas Charter 1988, Article 7)

The Bush Administration

“There is a broad popular people's movement against American arrogant hegemony. World leaders, headed by the Bush and Blair governments, should have been more attentive to the voice of poorer countries.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, July 2005)

“I think Bush is doing an enormous historical crime by fighting against Islam and giving Islam adjectives like fascism and terrorism.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, October 2005)

“What about the Americans in charge of their prison in Abu Ghraib, sending dogs on the prisoners. Is this okay? And a president who lies to his people and says the war in Iraq is led in order to abolish the mass destruction weapons while it was discovered there were no such weapons in Iraq. Is it okay?  Therefore I say that President Bush puts in danger American interests when he chooses to fight against Islam and describe Islam in a negative way that makes him face 1.3 billion Muslims in the world. It is stupid that a person decides to push the West and Islam into a confrontation, doing so puts in danger his own interests.” (Mahmud al-Zahar, October 2005)
 
Footnote on History and Leadership of Hamas

Hamas, which means “zeal” in Arabic and is also the acronym for “Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiya” or Islamic Resistance Movement, had its beginnings in 1967 as a wing of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.
 
Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza, was Hamas’ founder and spiritual leader until he was assassinated in March 2004 by Israeli security forces as part of an official policy of targeting Hamas leaders. In 1973, Yassin established al-Mujamma’ al-Islami (the Islamic Center) to coordinate the Muslim Brotherhood’s political activities in Gaza. Yassin founded Hamas as the Muslim Brotherhood’s local political arm in December 1987, following the eruption of the first Palestinian intifadah against Israeli control of the West Bank and Gaza.
 
Hamas published its official charter in 1988 calling for the creation of an Islamic Waqf in Palestine and the destruction of Israel. Over the years, Hamas has gained increasing support among the Palestinian population of Gaza due to its activities as religious and charitable institution and also due to growing Palestinian frustration with the PLO. 
 
Hamas is currently led by Sheikh Khaled Mashaal, who oversees the group’s activities from Damascus. Mashaal’s leadership brought major changes. He was the first Hamas leader to meet with PLO officials when the first round of talks among Palestinian factions began in February 2003. He is also the first Hamas leader to appear on both state-run and private Egyptian television.
 
Mahmud al-Zahar, the leader of Hamas in Israel and the Palestinian territories, is second in command to Mashaal. Zahar earned a medical degree in Cairo and ran a clinic in Gaza before helping found Hamas in the 1980s. He resides in Gaza.
 
Other prominent Hamas leaders include Sheikh Hassan Yousef, who is based in the West Bank, and Ismail Hania, who operates from Gaza. In November 2005, Yousef was imprisoned in Ashkelon Prison in Israel. He is regarded as more moderate than other Hamas leaders and has been at odds with them concerning Hamas’ role in the upcoming Palestinian parliamentary elections. Hania, a candidate in the upcoming elections, has been very vocal throughout the Gaza Strip in emphasizing Hamas’ defense of Palestinian interests, which he defined as:  Jerusalem, the return of refugees, release of prisoners held by Israel, and the right to continue the jihad against Israel. Hania promises to promote these policies if elected.