Against the Preconditions

October 19, 2006

Shlomo Gazit, Israel Policy Forum


(We present below another in our series of opinion pieces from Israel on the contemporary security and diplomatic challenges facing the Jewish State today. These do not necessarily represent the position of IPF. We offer them in the hope that they will serve to expand and edify the debate in this country.)

Israel is reaching out towards peace.  Over and over Israel’s leaders have called to the Arab side, “Come to the negotiating table, let us negotiate, let us talk and solve the conflict between us peacefully.  Israel is prepared to come to the table without any preconditions and this is the best way to resolve our differences.”

So far so good, a worthy policy no matter how you look at it.

But the political reality is much less promising.  Talk is one thing, action is something else altogether.  Anytime the government in Jerusalem hears an Arab leader invite Israel to the negotiating table, Israel immediately reveals a series of conditions – what the other side must do before Israel will condescend to talk with him.  And so long as this condition is not met, that Arab side has no negotiating partner. 

In recent weeks, since the end of the war in Lebanon, Syrian President Bashar Assad has once again called upon Israel to conduct political negotiations, to make peace with them.  Assad is careful to proclaim that he is not one of those Arabs who calls for Israel’s destruction.  To the contrary, he wants a peaceful solution, one that will enable good neighborly relations and co-existence.  Yet he also warns, and even threatens, that if Israel should refuse – heaven forbid! – to negotiate with Damascus and if a peaceful solution cannot be achieved, then sooner or later, war will be the inevitable result.

Naturally, Jerusalem’s response is neither surprising nor original:  “Israel is always ready to enter into negotiations without any preconditions,” but Israel cannot negotiate with Damascus so long as the latter hasn’t proved that is has renounced terrorism.  The Israeli condition for negotiations is for Syria to stop supporting the Shi’ite Hizbullah organization, to stop arming the Lebanese militia, and to stop encouraging border incidents along Israel’s northern border; and, to eliminate all the Palestinian terrorist command posts located in Damascus.

The present Syrian policy, which that was initiated by the late President Assad Sr., comes as no surprise.  Syria demands the return of the Golan Heights to its sovereignty.  Syria expects an agreement that won’t be much different from the ones Israel signed with Egypt and Jordan.  But at this point Syria has no military option.  Since the Yom Kippur War 33 years ago Syria has carefully maintained the quiet along the ceasefire lines in the Golan Heights.  The alternative, putting tremendous pressure on Israel without which – according to leaders in Damascus – Israel will not agree to any withdrawal or compromise, Syria prefers to carry out through third parties, namely Hizbullah in Lebanon and the Palestinian organization command posts. 

I don’t want to defend Damascus and I have no argument with our demands and expectations from the Syrian leadership.  But these demands should be raised during the first phase of negotiations, and should serve as a means of testing Syria’s intentions to comply with any future agreement.

Anyone who demands and expects the Syrians to give up the leverage they currently wield places the burden upon the Syrians to put all of their faith in Israel’s good intentions.

That takes care of Syria.  Regarding the Palestinians – Israel’s major political achievement is the “Road Map,” which was adopted by the Quartet (USA, Russia the UN and the EU).  The fact that Israel had 14 reservations regarding the Road Map has long since been forgotten.  Israel accepts the Road Map because it has international endorsement that sets out preconditions before the peace process with the Palestinians begins, before any negotiations on a permanent settlement.  Israel is barred from entering into any kind of dialogue so long as Palestinian violence against Israel has not halted completely, so long as the Palestinian Authority hasn’t acted to eliminate terrorist infrastructures in its territory, and so long as the various Palestinian organizations have not disarmed.

Indeed, Israel is also required to carry out certain steps as a first stage in the Road Map.  Israel has undertaken to immediately dismantle all illegal settlements built in the West Bank.  Now more than ever, we know that Israel has no intention of doing so, but who even remembers this?

If we truly want dialogue and peace agreements, we must truly and fully accept the formula that we so readily spout – “Israel is prepared to negotiate with any Arab organizations without any preconditions!”  The only condition Israel should demand ahead of negotiations is the existence of an Arab partner who is willing to negotiate.  Moreover, let us not restrict these negotiations only to discussing peace and an overall solution.  On the contrary, what’s wrong with direct negotiations for a ceasefire (hudna), what’s wrong with direct negotiations regarding an exchange of captives?  Furthermore, what’s wrong if –God forbid – we talk to the other side even if they have “blood on their hands?”

All of our demands and expectations – and I am comfortable with almost all of them – are a legitimate aspect of any negotiation process and are some of the unequivocal conditions the other side will be required to fulfill, thereby proving its intentions and ability to carry out any agreement that is achieved.  There is no doubt in my mind that the road to peace with our neighbors will require Israel to pay a very heavy price, and we will have to be tough negotiators in order to severely limit the price we pay and to spread out the payment so we can move forward, while at the same time constantly examining our Arab partners and ensuring that they are also fulfilling their undertakings towards us.  I have no illusions, and the road to an agreement and normalization requires that we proceed carefully and cautiously through a minefield.  Nevertheless, we can’t expect the Arabs to disarm the mines it has laid as a precondition for Israel’s willingness to walk the path towards dialogue.  Negotiating without preconditions means just that – no preconditions!

Major General (res.) Shlomo Gazit was Coordinator of Government Operations in the Administered Territories and the former Head of Military Intelligence.